The Cserénfa
experiment
On the attempt to
deploy computers and Internet in a small Hungarian village
Professor of sociology, Corvinus University of
Budapest, Department of Sociology and Social Policy
<mailto:gyorgy.lengyel@uni-corvinus.hu>
Ph.D. student, Corvinus University of Budapest,
Department of Sociology and Social Policy
Junior research fellow, Corvinus University of
Budapest, Department of eBusiness
Ph.D. student, Corvinus University of Budapest,
Department of Sociology and Social Policy
Ph.D. student, Corvinus University of Budapest,
Department of Sociology and Social Policy
The research aimed at studying the
social impacts of network-based and institutionally organized IT learning in a
less developed village community in
As for the primary impacts, by the end
of the experiment ICT knowledge and related aspirations increased, although side
effects, like envy and frustration also did occur. The Internet activity of the
participants was predominantly focused on
recreation and not information gathering or resource extension. As far
as the wider social impacts are
concerned, at the beginning of the project villagers thought that people in the
community were reserved, mistrustful and unprepared to help, and this mood did
not change much to the end.
The finding of policy interest is that
while children learn basic ICT skills in the elementary school, adults are
worse off in this respect. Therefore organizing local courses for adults was
popular and proved to be useful. Another
policy result is that deploying resources through interpersonal networks and the CTC satisfy
the potential demand with more or less the same efficiency.
The aim of the research was to study
the social impacts of network-based and institutionally established
ICT-learning in a less developed community. The experiment took place at
Cserénfa between October 2003 and May 2004. We wanted to study the advantages
and disadvantages of the spread of information technology on the basis of
networks as opposed to institutions. By deploying computers to the homes of people
with different social and network positions, we expected to observe a special
way of diffusion of knowledge and usage.
We expected among others that marginalized people, who do not have close
contacts with the young and with the local elite (who are the early adopters of
ICT in the village), may begin to use the Internet as well. In other words, we
expected that by deploying the computers and Internet to homes, a group of
people, who would not have had the opportunity to “contact“ to this technology
in the Community Technnology Center (CTC),
would have an opportunity to do so in this way.
We wanted to
know how people learn ICT skills from each other, for what purposes they use
the Internet and with what efficiency they use it. A further objective was to
examine the indirect social impacts of the spread of information technology, to
see how the life conditions and subjective opinions of the villagers changed.
We expected that people will search for and find (better) jobs, getting
informed, and perhaps change their
opinions concerning their life chances. As the basis of the experiment three
courses were organized, four PCs were lent to Cserénfa families and nine
Internet accesses were made available. The families were asked to co-operate
during interviews and visits, keep a diary of their experience and make the
Internet available for relatives, friends, and neighbors in case of interest.
International
research concerned with the interplay of information technology and local
society contains proposals as the establishment of CTCs, voluntary computer
courses, and activation of the relevant knowledge of young people in order to
combat the accumulation of disadvantages (Schoen, Sanyal, & Mitchell,
1999). Finnish experts have reported on a successful attempt to revitalize a
disadvantaged region with the installation of the intranet network in a center
through the involvement of the unemployed and physically disabled in the area
(Koskikallio, 2001). A Swedish
experience found an Internet Café more efficient than a Local Network in
combating social inclusion (Ferlander & Timms, 2004). Experience gained in
Early studies
of diffusion of innovations (Coleman,
Katz, & Menzel, 1966) found that people with broader external information
adopt innovations earlier. It was also shown that although people usually learn
about an innovation from formal sources, they tend to adopt it only after they have
discussed it with their fellow colleagues. On the base of several earlier
studies it was shown that early adopters are usually more technology oriented
and of higher status (
We have relied
on some of these findings as well as on our own experience gained during
previous examinations in the sub-region of Kaposvár, a town in south-west
The
Under the age
of 15 most of the inhabitant children attend the elementary school at
Szentbalázs, the central settlement of six nearby villages. The pupils travel
two kilometers, and their bus ticket is financed by the municipality.
A quarter of
the houses are unplastered in Cserénfa, yet few are recently built. (NB: in the
control settlement of Szilvásszentmárton of a similar size in the region half
of the houses were unplastered.) The overwhelming majority of the villagers are
Catholic. There is a single house of worship converted from a school. The
Romani (Gipsy) minority numbers some 6 % of the population. There are few jobs
locally, the commuters to Kaposvár pay high travel costs. The inhabitants feel
they are disadvantaged concerning the job market and job security compared to
the employees living in the city. The number in the qualified, active labor
force is quite small and it is very difficult even for the skilled workers to
find a job that is worth commuting to in the nearby city. There are fewer than
ten inhabitants with higher education in the village.
To keep
domestic animals or to deal with an orchard and viniculture are not as common
activities as they were before. These are not profitable anymore, so they are
considered not being worth the expenses and time spent on dealing with them.
Still there are big vineries behind the village on the hill, which are
cultivated by the owners only because they do not want to let their families’
land erode or because it is their hobby, moreover, they want to drink home-made
wine all year. There is a middle-aged man, who deals with pets, another one
with bees to make honey which he sells later in order to have additional
income, and there is only one family who is making its living by farming, and
breeding animals. There is a young man who paints portraits, and a young woman
who organizes discussion groups about the Bible. There is a man who constructs
ships in the backyard of his house although there is no lake or river in the
neighborhood.
The
inhabitants, depending on the time they have lived in Cserénfa, have different
concerns about the relationships, and climate of opinions in the village. Most
of them say that it is still much better to live here than in the city,
although people are not as cooperative or friendly as they used to be. The
reasons for becoming “alienated” is that many of them (mostly the middle-aged)
make a precarious living, or have to work hard to achieve an acceptable living standard, so people are often jealous,
and do not have much free time to chat with each other. In general we can
identify that there are rather more
small groups, and cliques than a homogenous population in the village.
The youth, and the pensioners arrange common programs and spend more time
together. The pensioners’ club for example is an opportunity for the latter
group.
The village
has a dynamic leadership. The mayor, formerly a primary school teacher, has
applied successfully for several development grants. In the last two years
before our experiment, , a statue was unveiled, a playground created in the
center, a village warden was appointed to arrange for transport, for the villagers as needed, and a CTC was
established (Siklós 2004). Telehouses
were available on the average in every sixth settlement in
Building out
the village sewerage system is among the most urgent plans of the commune,
followed by reconstructing the village roads. They would like to make further
steps to develop village-tourism. However, a focus group study (Vicsek, 2004)
revealed that despite growth in the population lately, the villagers were still
pessimistic about the future of the village. They felt that the future depended
on politics and tenders for grants – that is, on factors beyond themselves –
and that the village population would probably decrease in the future.
As mentioned
above, there is a CTC in Cserénfa which had four computers at the beginning,
with another two being added later through a successful grant proposal. They
also made a bid for free broadband access but they failed, so they pay some 60
000 HUF (app. 285 USD) a month to have an ISDN line. The CTC, as well as the
pensioners' club – located in the same building - is directed by a specialist,
who is on good terms with the mayor. The CTC has hosted on the average
thirty-five visitors who spent twenty
hours per month on the Internet before and during our experiment. It is
predominantly used by children and young people, therefore - as one of our
colleagues noticed - it resembles a playground
most of the time, The technical supervision-maintenance of the computers
is done by a young specialist from Kaposvár who is also the system operator for
the school computers in the central settlement of Szentbalázs. Most households
have mobile phones and the spread of PCs is also judged positively. The
financial difficulty is not so much in the purchase of a computer than in
subscribing to an Internet service provider.
Before
deploying PC’s and Internet connections to private houses we planned to hold
voluntary courses for the villagers about the basics of computer technique and
Internet use. Since earlier there was a course organized for a narrow circle
and the participants were ready to continue, we changed the original plan and
announced two beginners and an advanced courses. The courses were held in the
CTC. A possible venue was the school computer lab of neighboring Szentbalázs
with more PCs, but to minimize travel costs we decided on the CTC. The course
was not free as we wanted every participant to be committed, but the fee was
low enough to be payable by all those interested. The fee practically covered
the Internet service costs, whilst the lecturers were paid by the project. The
interest and continuous attendance were consistent with our expectations.
The reception
of such an initiative as the Cserénfa experiment depends largely on the
personality of the course leader and CTC director. Getting acquainted with
Information and Communication Technology tools does not merely imply the
acquisition of a certain skill but rather requires an attitude change in order
to be effective in the long run.
In our course, two university colleagues held
demonstration lessons and a jobless nurse, with several certificates, living in
the district, supervised the computer practices. She performed her
task with great enthusiasm and competence. The job was more than a means for
earning money for her:
"the best thing was that people were grateful for whatever you gave
them, without exception. It was good for me psychically, too, because I felt
successful, which I missed for quite some time, and I got so much affection
here that I all but wallowed in it." (Course leader)
Shortly after
the course she applied for the job of leading a CTC and pensioners' club in
another village in the district, and was successful.
Another course
participant got a job, partly through what she had learnt in the course:
"at the beginning Andrea found it hard to settle to the work and I
thought she wouldn't make it, but finally she got going. She was my greatest
success; a bit later we met in the bus and she happily told me she'd found a
job, just because she had a start on the computer." (Course leader)
Another person
was attracted by the possibility of browsing, looking for vacant jobs (marked
I1 in the research), who later profited by his attainments in buying a computer
and acquiring other knowledge.
"There was a college graduate, I don't remember his name. He came
to learn to use the Internet, 'cause he was a farmer and wished to correspond
and use tables and make balance sheets alone at home. Then on the Internet he
browsed for grant possibilities." (Course leader)
All in all,
the course had a clearly positive impact, also manifest in the early attendance
of the CTC. A person of Gipsy origin,
for example, got the knack of the Internet, learned extremely quickly and used
his knowledge enthusiastically.
"Each was an interesting person. A1, for example, who only wanted
to use the net and kept clicking the mouse, thinking the faster he clicked the
greater the result; he had to be slowed down. Then he gradually realized that
it was not all clicking about... As I know, he is now employed by the local
government to maw the lawn. He's not like the rest, you know, he's not
Hungarian but a Rom and they don't take great pains. I was glad he came at all
and didn't spend his time in the pub. He did something at least. True, after it
he went to the pub, and before it, but he advertised the course there, too. He
printed out things and flourished them all over as relics: I did it!"
(Course leader)
Among the
motives of the course participants, the appeal of something new and the
elimination of knowledge differences within the family were also to be found.
"Q: There was this computer course held by my colleagues and yours.
Do you think it promoted some chance, did it have some impact, what responses
do you know of?
A: It was joyful that so many were interested. More important still,
only two of the participants dropped out, the rest finished it. It immensely
improved their self-confidence, they proudly say: I know it, even if they only
heard about it. Actually, they don't use the CTC so much more. The spell of it
has faded. I know of a PC that was born of this thing, someone bought a machine
- maybe others too, but I am in contact with him only, I know they use it...
it's only a 486, but a computer after all. They are entrepreneurs, at least
Eve, I think they have an agricultural enterprise and she uses the computer. To
make invoices and their own adverts. She enjoys it. I don't know if anything
else has come out of it, I think it's a question of prestige, for the list
included many parents who have PCs at home. They probably came here to have a
smattering of what the kid's doing at home." (CTC director)
Several
viewpoints had to be reconciled during the selection of the experimental
subjects. We were looking for motivated and cooperative partners who thought
participation would be useful and were willing to keep in regular contact, log
the events and share their knowledge with others. Nearly all those attending
the computer courses were like that. There were some who did not take part in
the course as they were familiar with the computer and helped several others in
this regard. Their problem was that they could not afford to pay for the
Internet. Some were motivated and interested but local public opinion
considered them unworthy of being involved in the experiment due to their
living conditions and marginal position. Contact persons warned us about the
risks of providing computers for those who lived on social benefits only.
(Cases of A1 and D1 exemplified this in
our sample.) It was made clear at the beginning that the mayor and the CTC director
could not take part as it was irreconcilable with their posts. They agreed and
helped our work in several other ways. The mayor warned us not to give anyone a
PC without a preliminary selection procedure. We thrashed out our choices with
her and she agreed with our decisions.
During the
phase of selection, some changes had to be made. A course candidate who found a
job and whose student son was considered a computer expert in the village told
us she had a PC, though rather obsolete, had access to the Internet at her
workplace, so she resigned in favor of someone else. She pointed out another
two potential participants. Three members of another family attended the
course, but they had no time to keep regular contact. Another couple discussed
the possibilities and decided to resign because they were afraid the children
would do harm to the computer.
We deployed
the four PCs, each equipped with Internet connection and CD writer in
households, which were very different in their social and financial parameters.
To maintain anonymity we coded each participant (see next section). It was
clear from the beginning that the bottleneck was not with the PCs but in
Internet access, which thus had greater appeal. We provided Internet access for
another five households with their own PCs.
Some had already been deliberating the possibility of getting Internet
access, and were very positive about the experiment.
To arrange for
Internet subscription was technically and administratively very complicated and
caused a great deal of problems during its maintenance, as well as after the
whole research period.
A1: socially marginal jobless man of Gipsy origin. Lives in bad
financial plight with his foster mother (grandmother). Schooling: eight primary
grades, lives on a monthly allowance, does communal work and occasionally works
for a little money or food. Beginner in computing.
B1: aged 48, father of two. Worked as a fitter for years, but pensioned
off two years ago due to his health conditions. Financially secure, the four
family members are living on the wife's salary and his disability pension. His
sons aged, 16 and 19 attend vocational schools. He is generally respected by
the village society. Has hardly any knowledge about how to handle the computer,
though they have a PC at home, mainly used to play computer games
C1: a seamstress by profession, she "immigrated" into the
village 6 years ago, yet she is rather highly thought of, she helps the village
leaders and neighbors a lot. Her household includes her husband and 4-year-old
daughter. They are financially consolidated, keeping several irons in the fire,
because after the child care leave, she didn't get a job for a long time.
D1: 38-year-old jobless mother of two, pensioned off. Schooling: 8
primary grades. The children attend primary and secondary schools,
respectively. The family is rather marginal both socially and financially. They
moved to the village a few years ago, and earned little esteem socially. Her
computer knowledge is next to nothing, though earlier she sometimes played on
her son's PC.
E1: student of secondary school in Kaposvár specialized in informatics.
They are six in the household. His widowed mother lives with her partner, with
whom they have a small daughter in addition to the two elder children. The
three children live at home (the eldest as a college student in Kaposvár). They
are socially and financially consolidated. His computer competence is advanced.
He got a new computer before the launching of the project.
F1: the household includes four: the couple and two schoolboys. He is
one of the computer "gurus" of the "older" generation (at
34). He uses the computer for his work as a turner and he has a Pentium IV PC
at home, which he keeps upgrading. His financial status is consolidated, he
plays a central role in the village community for several reasons. He is an
alderman of Cserénfa.
G1: 35-year-old single woman with a university diploma. She moved to
Cserénfa two years earlier. She can handle the computer well, as she used it
for her studies and work. The loss of her job put her into a bad plight. Her
social relations are mixed, she is only partially accepted. Her contacts with
some, especially those in marginal position, are good, but many regard her as
eccentric and disapprove her.
H1: young man of 25 with secondary school education. Works as a sanitary
inspection assistant at a Kaposvár Meat Factory. The household includes six.,
He has a younger sister and the mother's parents live with them. He has a
computer at home, which he handles at an advanced level. The family is better
off than the average. Tthe parents do various jobs apart from their main
employment. Not only their house is centrally located, but also nearly all the
members of the family play an active role in the village life.
I1: 31-year-old college graduate, water conservancy engineer at the
Kaposvár Waterworks. Lives with his wife and parents. Generally respected in
the village, he is a member of the local government. Beginner in computing. The
family is known for their diligence, also doing farming and breeding animals
and creating a good financial status.
We asked the
participants to keep a simplified start/stop record and a diary about those who
visited them in connection with computer use and to agree to the computer's
keeping a record. We contacted them by e-mail several times (but it didn't work
smoothly as some didn't check on their mail regularly). We also visited them
and recorded their experience on tape and video during our interviews. The
system operator of the CTC was in charge of the maintenance of the computers
and Internet connections, the solution of the technical problems, and a
colleague involved in the project also gave help several times. Below we sum up
what happened to the participants during the experiment individually, what
general experiences can be inferred concerning the learning of the
computer/Internet, and what secondary social impacts could be identified.
A1 took part in the course; we installed a computer and Internet access
in his home. His only relative, his foster mother died. His bad behaviour in
his area of public responsibility (like neglecting his duties, being impudent
and arrogant with others) strained his relations with the village elders. He
spent almost all his time at the computer. It helped him overcome his grief, he
said. Despite a low level of schooling, he is sharp-witted, knowledgeable, and
reads a lot. He chatted a lot, copied CDs for his friends in the village, who,
however, failed to get the knack of IT. He did not observe the time limits of
Internet use, frequently exceeded the costs, displaying signs of Internet
addiction. He plans to buy a second-hand computer. He developed a large circle
of virtual acquaintances and initiated relationships with three partners. His
position within the village worsened instead of improving, he behaved
indecently when drunk, offending many. In interviews and talks several people
remarked that he was unworthy of the support the project gave him.
B1 also attended the course. He had a computer at home, so only the
Internet access was installed in his home.
Pensioned off because of his heart operation, he regularly goes for
health test. He showed keen interest at
home and at the course, searching for possible telework on the net, without
success. Someone in the family generated a high telephone bill of tens of
thousands of forints (approximately three hundred
C1 took part in both the beginner and the advanced courses. After the
course they bought an old computer, but it was so outdated, that we installed a
computer and Internet access in her household.
She took a job as a cleaning woman and nurse in a pensioners' home in
the neighboring village. Her search for a job on the net was half-hearted and
unsuccessful. The husband was more often at the computer, downloading stories
for their daughter. They would like to buy a computer. They hoped to get the
computer they used during the project at a reduced price. Their social position
and network of relations did not change, but the orientation of their demands
shifted towards IT. The presence of IT
is moderate in their circle of acquaintances.
D1 took part in the course. We installed a computer in her home. She
took up a job - not through her computer knowledge -, though her illness makes
work hard for her. Her daughter in secondary school is making a competitive
school paper, the school record of her son in primary dropped ,he narrowly missed
failing. The husband objected to the Internet, which was also impossible
because of their arrears in telephone bills. The daughter used the computer and
sometimes the CTC for her studies. The son became a computer addict, purchased
a second-hand PC, but he was probably duped. Since they are immigrants, their
relations are restricted to the neighbors. The husband sometimes pops up in the
pub, her daughter is said to be uppish, the son to have a screw loose.
Nevertheless, very many children (the boy's friends) turned up at the house,
mainly for computer games.
E1 did not take part in the course as he knows the computer and learns
it at the informatics secondary school. He had a PC at home, so the Internet
access was installed. His relationship with his foster father is steady but
reserved. The use of Internet had no significant inpact. His brother and mother
sometimes used the computers but their social relations did not change. He
often sat with the son of the CTC director together by the computer. His contact
is intensive with him and with a university student also using the computer.
F1 didn't have to participate in the course, but the Internet was made
available to him. In the meantime, his grave spinal condition put him on sick
leave. As a skilled worker, he was the most competent and intense user of the
net. He looked up the university homepage, communicated on e-mail and lent help
and advice to many. The children of nursery and primary school age as well as
his wife were allowed to use the computer in his presence. His social esteem
and network of relations did not change. When invited to the Bible circle by
G1, they refused because they thought little of some of the participants.
G1 the forestry officer has used the computer and the net for over 10
years, since her university studies; she had a computer but no Internet
access. She was visited by friends and
acquaintances. She mostly hitchhikes, sometimes drops in at the pub. She
organized a Bible-reading circle, with a crippled Romani woman and her son, and
an alcoholic couple as the constant members. She's been looking for a job from
the beginning of the project, mainly on the net. She was about to spend a year
on a polar observation station as a volunteer when she found a post at the
other end of the country, in the
H1 young rock and heavy metal fan also interested in eastern fighting
sports, and learns drawing. He was also drawing in a tattooing salon, and plans
to do portraits at the Balaton in the summer where his family owns a cottage.
He has used the net for a long time and also met his girlfriend who live in a
nearby settlement by chatting on the net. He didn't take part in the course.
The Internet access was installed in his home. He and his younger sister use
the computer. His social status or network of relations did not change much by
accessing the net from home. The use of the Internet is self-explanatory in his
circle of friends of similar interests recruited mainly from the Kaposvár
district.
I1 took part in the beginner course. We gave him a PC and Internet access.
Since his father suffered a lasting injury while transporting a machine, he has
managed the bulk of the family farming business, as well. He works much and is
on the village board. He plans to build a house and live separately from his
parents. After an advertisement on the net, they purchased a good-quality
second-hand tractor at an auction, and he is informed of other possibilities.
He mainly used the computer to show it to young relatives visiting from
Kaposvár. In his circle of references, there are some who plainly object to the
computer. I1 uses the net mainly to extend his resources, but he has not been
able to fully exploit its potential.
Table 1: Balance of course
participation and installations
|
Code |
Participation in
courses |
PC installed |
Internet installed |
|
A1 |
Yes |
Yes |
Yes |
|
B1 |
Yes |
No |
Yes |
|
C1 |
Yes |
Yes |
Yes |
|
D1 |
Yes |
Yes |
No |
|
E1 |
No |
No |
Yes |
|
F1 |
No |
No |
Yes |
|
G1 |
No |
No |
Yes |
|
H1 |
No |
No |
Yes |
|
I1 |
Yes |
Yes |
Yes |
Source: own data collection
Despite the
short period of investigation, negative events numbered conspicuously high in
the families: in two-thirds there were grave illnesses, accidents or death. On the
other side, one-third found employment - independently of the project -, and
one-third found partners through the Internet. The participants' knowledge of
the computer and Internet increased, but the dissemination of this knowledge
had limited penetrating force. It mainly attracted the children and young
people, besides the person who had already had considerable knowledge and was
ready to give advice to others. As for social impacts, there was no convincing
evidence in half of the cases, while in the rest there was weak positive or
mixed influence. In one case its effect within the local society was clearly
negative, and it is not certain that the virtual relationships can compensate
for it.
Computer- or
Internet-related visits were especially numerous and intensive at those (F1,
B1) who were already the spokesmen of certain circles, and in one case (D1) the
frequency of the visits of the friends of the boy was high. The majority of
visitors were children, mostly boys. The adult visitors were mainly friends and
relatives, in part continuing the former visits (B1, A1). The intensity of
visits widely varied, as some families were extremely open, others were closed.
Table 2: Number of visitors for the participants
at the beginning of the project (October-November 2003)
|
|
Total number of
visitors |
Relatives |
Friends |
Neighbors |
Colleagues, classmates,
acquaintances |
Participants |
|
A1 |
7 |
- |
3 |
4 |
|
|
|
B1 |
6 |
2 |
3 |
1 |
|
|
|
C1 |
2 |
|
2 |
|
|
|
|
D1 |
9 |
3 |
3 |
2 |
1 |
|
|
E1 |
2 |
|
1 |
1 |
|
|
|
F1 |
8 |
2 |
3 |
2 |
|
3 |
|
G1 |
4 |
|
|
3 |
1 |
|
|
H1 |
- |
|
|
|
|
|
|
I1 |
2 |
2 |
|
|
|
|
|
Total |
33 |
7 |
12 |
9 |
2 |
3 |
Source: own data collection
Visits were intense
at the beginning and fewer and rarer later. It cannot be expected therefore
that the computer or Internet access would boost the number of primary
relations and visits lastingly. While friends and neighbors were predominant
among visitors at the beginning, their interest dwindled more than the average
later. As a result, intercommunication between the participants grew towards
the end of the period. Several participants visited F1 from the beginning,
motivated chiefly by the technical problems and requests advice. Some one-fifth
of the visitors were not villagers but relatives, friends or acquaintances from
outside the village.
Table 3: Number of visitors for the participants
at the end of the project (March-May 2004)
|
|
Total number of
visitors |
Relatives |
Friends |
Neighbors |
Colleagues, classmates,
acquaintances |
Participants |
|
A1 |
- |
|
|
|
|
|
|
B1 |
2 |
1 |
1 |
|
|
|
|
C1 |
2 |
1 |
1 |
|
|
|
|
D1 |
7 |
|
3 |
3 |
1 |
|
|
E1 |
1 |
|
1 |
|
|
|
|
F1 |
5 |
|
1 |
1 |
|
3 |
|
G1 |
- |
|
|
|
|
|
|
H1 |
2 |
2 |
|
|
|
|
|
I1 |
1 |
1 |
|
|
|
|
|
All- together |
20 |
5 |
7 |
4 |
1 |
3 |
Source: own data collection
The
participants spent some one-seventh of their waking time with the computer or on
the net, which is more than the time spent watching TV or listening to the
radio. This kind of leisure-time activity, especially the games, was often a
social event.
The number of
visitors for the CTC dropped at the beginning of the experiment. The home
computers seemed to replace it, but later the turnover data became more
balanced when in the last months of the project technical problems arose
concerning the Internet access at home. Still, the attendance of the CTC did
not come up to half the attendance after the opening. The time devoted to the
computers, especially the Internet, decreased even more drastically.
Table 4: CTC-statistics (May
2003-May 2004)
|
Month |
Internet (min.) |
Using computers (min.) |
Printing (page) |
Photocopying (page) |
Fax (page) |
Attendance (persons) |
|
May |
2711 |
2625 |
8 |
1 |
0 |
78 |
|
June |
2117 |
1076 |
15 |
0 |
0 |
65 |
|
July |
3816 |
2281 |
45 |
0 |
1 |
70 |
|
August |
791 |
457 |
2 |
23 |
3 |
25 |
|
September |
2734 |
2222 |
2 |
14 |
2 |
68 |
|
October (Beginning of the
experiment) |
1313 |
998 |
8 |
89 |
3 |
49 |
|
November |
227 |
5 |
9 |
29 |
2 |
11 |
|
December |
118 |
10 |
5 |
32 |
2 |
10 |
|
January |
175 |
50 |
0 |
33 |
2 |
7 |
|
February |
3 |
0 |
0 |
6 |
1 |
3 |
|
March |
184 |
766 |
0 |
42 |
0 |
24 |
|
April |
261 |
1616 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
30 |
|
May (End of experiment) |
83 |
50 |
2 |
16 |
1 |
9 |
Source: Compiled by the leader of the Cserénfa CTC
Socially, the
computer and Internet can be used for activities from recreation to acquisition
of information and the extension of access to resources (DiMaggio, Hargittai,
Celeste, & Shafer, 2004). Recreation activities include games, music,
entertainment and movies; the acquisition of information may range from
browsing, using the e-mail and chatting, while the expansion of resources may
include learning, target-directed search, looking for jobs and telework. The
categories may somewhat overlap, but the main difference is that concerning the
goals, one group basically serves recreation, the other serves the enlargement
of knowledge and solution of problems. By this categorization, both the
participants and the visitors of the CTC primarily went in for recreation,
first of all games and entertainment as well as listening to music. Such
activities were somewhat more marked in the CTC than in the homes, because the
CTC is mainly visited by children and young people. Certainly, the computers of
the project participants had an ever-greater appeal to children among the
visitors. However, in the intense phase of the project (October 2003-March
2004) the number of visitors did not exceed one a month and that of visits was
not more than one a week, and most participants were adults. It is of course
decisive who are the participants and the chief users within the family.
Information gathering, chatting and e-mailing are around the mean but slightly
more frequent in the CTC, while resource-expanding activities are more
characteristic in the homes than in the CTC. This can be attributed to the fact
again that there was a higher rate of adults among the participants of the
experiments, more interested in getting jobs, partners (learning, though
present, is represented with low intensity in the list of activities). At first
sight, one might find that network-based home computers are more favorable for
computerized resource expansion. However, this advantage can be recompensed if
the CTCs take pains to involve the elder generations (organizing programs for
the pensioners, adults, fixing time zones for different generations). Both
information accumulation and resource enlargement were more typical of people
with advanced computer knowledge and higher education.
Table 5:
Weight of computer activity in each
participant's use
|
|
Recreation |
Information accumulation |
Resource expansion |
||||||
|
|
Games |
Music, writing
CDs |
Film,
enter-tainment |
Browsing surfing |
Chatting |
e-mail |
Learning |
Targeted search, looking for partner, arranging
matters, shopping |
Telework,
looking for a job |
|
A1 |
+++ |
+++ |
++ |
+ |
+++ |
+ |
+ |
+++ |
- |
|
B1 |
+ |
++ |
- |
- |
- |
- |
+ |
- |
++ |
|
C1 |
++ |
+ |
+ |
++ |
- |
+ |
+ |
- |
++ |
|
D1 |
+++ |
+++ |
- |
- |
- |
- |
+ |
- |
- |
|
E1 |
+++ |
+++ |
++ |
++ |
+++ |
+ |
++ |
+ |
- |
|
F1 |
++ |
++ |
+++ |
+++ |
+ |
++ |
++ |
+++ |
+++ |
|
G1 |
+ |
+ |
+++ |
+ |
+ |
+++ |
++ |
+++ |
+++ |
|
H1 |
++ |
++ |
+++ |
+ |
+++ |
+++ |
+ |
+++ |
* |
|
I1 |
- |
- |
+ |
+ |
- |
+ |
++ |
+++ |
+ |
|
CTC |
+++ |
+++ |
++ |
++ |
++ |
+ |
+ |
+ |
+ |
Source: own data collection
Legend: +++
very typical
++ typical
+ noticeable
- not typical
* no information
What we actually have here as recreation, information gathering and resource extension are various types of a group of activities rather than contrasted phenomena that mutually exclude each other. Telework, learning and getting informed were little, if at all, present in the participants' activity. A middle-aged woman who completed the course received a job partly owing to her acquaintance with the computer. Another three female participants got jobs during the half-year period of the project, but they did not arrange it on the Internet but in person and computer knowledge did not count. A family member used the computer and the Internet to write a final thesis for the school. The majority, however, listened to music and downloaded games, and learnt to use the CD writer. Browsing characterized the participants who had been looking around on the Internet earlier, too, and e-mailing did not become popular. Thus, the Internet activity of the participants was predominated by a bent for recreation, and not for information gathering or resource extension.
The place of
making acquaintances is also an interim category in our typology. Most
acquaintances were of course made by chatting, but the aim was not simply to
acquire information. There was also
target-directed search, which considerably influenced the social resources. The
self-esteem and prestige of those who found partners seemingly grew, they
spontaneously and willingly talked about their partner-seeking experiences
Three of the nine participants looked for and found partners on the net during
the half-year experimental period. Two relationships proved lasting (G1 and
H1), and one (A1), previously married, only wanted occasional partners, which
he found three times.
It is
remarkable that looking for partners assumed such a great importance among the
possible activities, as it appears to offer a solution to an urgent demand
among young adults of small settlements. The
spread of partner-seeking was just a bit short of that of recreative
activities.
Side-effects
had also to be reckoned with: suspected net-addiction (two cases), large
telephone bills due to ignorance and the frustration and interpersonal tensions
it entails (two cases), envy and the deterioration of one's social position in
the village (one case).
Our
expectations concerning the search for jobs and telework were not verified.
Though several people tried to find telework, they failed, and only an intellectual
who could read foreign language offers would have found a job. This service in
Hungarian is inadequately structured and ill adjusted to the needs of the
potential job seekers. Several participants got employed during the project
period, but they did not learn about their new workplaces on the Internet and
computer competence was an advantage in the case of only one candidate. The
participants would gladly do telework (but found none) and would be ready to
work somewhere near if commuting did not rob too much of their time from the
family and if the travel costs were not too high. A regular service about
vacancies in the small districts and the readiness of the labor center/employer
to pay the travel costs would certainly promote success in searching for jobs
in the labor market..
Information
and application possibilities concerning entrepreneurship and village tourism
are similarly inadequate. For a beginner in the field information is
unattainable, while most information that could be had was insipid or
unintelligible.
The only area
where target-directed search was successful was looking for partners, and searching for sales, auctions also cropped
up.
The
effectiveness of searching for web pages heavily depended on user routine,
language knowledge and level of education. The intensively browsing but
inexperienced participants have failed in some one-fifth to one-fourth of the
time spent on the computer. The proportion
of failing webpage visit attempts was similar. This relatively high rate
may cause frustration, but can be decreased by teaching target-directed search
in the courses.
Table
6: Elementary indicators of the computer-generated log file database
|
Code of participant |
Number of webpages
visited |
Number of failed
webpage visit attempts |
% of failure |
|
F1 |
6603 |
1310 |
19,84 |
|
X1(control person) |
3842 |
968 |
25,20 |
|
E1 |
4411 |
1563 |
35,43 |
|
G1 |
3336 |
556 |
16,67 |
|
C1 |
3994 |
835 |
20,91 |
|
A1 |
659 |
164 |
24,89 |
|
B1 |
1360 |
455 |
33,46 |
|
I1 |
3282 |
754 |
22,97 |
|
H1 |
4859 |
670 |
13,79 |
Source: own data collection
As to the
question of how the spread of IT has influenced communal life, interpersonal
relations, confidential contacts and a sense of security for the villagers, no strong
findings can be reported of. To see all the secondary social impacts of the
spread of computer and Internet would require follow-up research. Although
together with our earlier research over a period of three years we have ample
knowledge of the field, one may only modestly hint at saying that some signs of
development and consolidation can be observed in Cserénfa. This fits in with an
overall tendency of the district on the one hand, and is attributable to the
fact, on the other, that the local policy-makers are active, inventive, and
ready to apply for grants. Most of this is not to be ascribed to the direct or
indirect impacts of IT. But conversely, the positive attitude of key actors of
the settlement toward IT might have a direct impact on digital literacy and
spread of IT.
Table 7: Impacts of the
experiment and what happened
|
|
What
happened? |
IT-
learning, radiating influence |
Social
impacts |
|
A1 |
--- |
+ - |
--- + |
|
B1 |
-- |
- |
* |
|
C1 |
+ - |
* |
* |
|
D1 |
+ - |
- ++ |
+ - |
|
E1 |
* |
++ |
* |
|
F1 |
-- |
+++ |
* |
|
G1 |
++ |
++ |
++ - |
|
H1 |
* |
+ |
+ |
|
I1 |
- + |
* |
* |
Source: own data collection
Legend:
+ positive happening/effect (strong:+++,
medium:++, weak:+)
- negative happening/effect (strong:---,
medium:--, weak:-)
* no information/effect
The events in
the lives of the participants are little related to the experiment and the
public life of the village, as they are more concerned with health, work,
making a living and interpersonal relations. They are still mentioned here
because these events constitute the background to the spread of IT and have an
influence on it. The balance of personal events was neutral for most
participants and negative for about a third, thus in sum the weight of negative
events was larger than that of the positive ones. At the beginning of the
project, the village leaders and the participants in the focus group declared
that although the situation was better in the village than in the town,
villagers had also become reserved, mistrustful, disinterested in the common
good, dissatisfied, and unprepared to help. This mood did not change much to
the end of the project. What we may venture to contend is that by the end of
the project IT knowledge and aspirations increased. There were negative side
effects, but the balance is on the whole positive. Our assumption that the
spread of information technology would exert a strong influence on the
evaluation of life chances cannot be verified in view of all the emergent effects. It applies only to the dispositions and
opinions concerning IT itself. People got informed and more open toward this
kind of technological changes
The three
elements - course, CTC and network-based spread - both collectively and
individually may have contributed to information accumulation, the extension of
knowledge, relations and resources. One of our experiences is however, that
during teaching computer and Internet use, attention should be called to
valuable contents to be reached on the net.
Taking only
the CTC and the deployed computers and net into consideration, one finds that
the balance was more or less even during the experiment. Since the fluctuation
of turnover suggests that both variants satisfy the same potential demand, they
are not expedient to be applied at the same time in a small settlement or
residential area. Wherever a community can maintain a CTC a time schedule by
age groups and preferential access for marginal people might be useful. Where
there are no such conditions, individual applications for Internet access could
be applied under clear-cut terms (reception of visitors, financial discipline,
etc.). Both solutions are, however, grounded by computer courses for adults at
reasonable prices, in order to reduce the digital gap between generations,
income groups, and educational levels.
Table 8: Balance of the CTC and deployment
|
|
CTC |
Deployment |
Balance |
|
Acquisition
of computer, software |
yes |
yes |
CTC |
|
Internet
subscription |
once |
several times |
CTC |
|
Need
for building |
yes |
no |
Deployment |
|
Pay
of director |
yes |
no |
Deployment |
|
Pay
of system operator |
Once |
Several times |
CTC |
|
Access
to computer (person/computer) |
8 |
9 |
- |
|
Access
to computer (occasion/computer) |
29 |
30+ |
Deployment |
|
Internet
access (person/line) |
32 |
9 |
CTC |
|
Internet
access (occasion/line) |
117 |
180 |
Deployment |
|
Access |
Fixed |
Flexible |
Deployment |
|
Expert
advice, servicing |
Standard |
Occasional |
CTC |
|
Total of accesses (occasions) of the handicapped
(total of those above 60, below subsistence level, Roma) |
14 |
23 |
Deployment |
Source: own data collection
The last
table indicates that both CTCs and deployment actions may have functions in small settlements.. Their
advantages and disadvantages are more or less balanced. For network-based
dissemination, according to our experiences
the deployment of computers has less importance now. However providing
access to the Internet by tendering at places where there is not CTC or other
Internet port might be useful. A project like this could be especially
attractive for marginalized people and they may
prove to be devoted participants.
Careful monitoring and involvement of local key actors in distributive
decisions may help to avoid negative side effects of conflicts and further
marginalization in local society.
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