Related Dangers:

The issue of Development and Security for Marginalized Groups in South Africa

 Amy R. West

Consultant for ARTICLE 19: The Global Campaign for Free Expression,

Africa Programme, London, United Kingdom.

<cymruwest@yahoo.com>

 

            Abstract

This paper seeks to clarify why the relevance of certain information and communication technologies(ICTs)  is wanting, why the importance of context is crucial to progress, and why mapping technologies from one place to another is no guarantor of success. Disconnects between theories and realities are illustrated, emphasizing the need to challenge and address factors that cannot be leapfrogged by technology: namely, education and training, basic human and service infrastructure, and the importance of human interaction. 

 

Introduction

This paper seeks to examine the rationale, relevance, and ramifications of a global push to fund technologies inappropriate to the context and capacity of marginalized population groups.  If developing countries are the true litmus test for any serious evaluation of sustainable development policies and their real practice on the ground, the international community must look carefully at what is happening within countries rather than solely between countries. This then should inform the international debate on development reform and realistic, meaningful action. The research for this paper, supported by ARTICLE 19: The Global Campaign for Free Expression, was motivated by the World Summit on Information Society Phase II, held in Tunis, November 2005. The objective of the research conducted was to explore the current reality of “technologies” and what these mean to several communities in South Africa: Zimbabwean migrants along the South AfricaZimbabwe border in Limpopo; communities affected by HIV/AIDS in urban centers of KwaZulu-Natal; and, women and youth in remote rural villages in Eastern Cape.

Consumed by efforts to deliver speed and volume to developing countries and to bridge the famed ‘digital divide’, many ignore the key factors necessary - connectivity, education, and capital resources - to implement and sustain these technologies. In large part, these essential ingredients remain unavailable, or in limited supply, to the poor and marginalized. While the Millennium Development Goals—including the eradication of extreme poverty and hunger; the achievement of universal primary education; the promotion of gender equality and empowering women; the reduction of child mortality; the improvement of maternal health; the fight against HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases, etc.--are certainly on target for most of the developing world, achieving these lofty aims will continue to be a different story.

 

Examining Information and Communication Technologies

ICTs are viewed in a variety of ways. They are seen as sources of information and knowledge; as enablers of productivity and lowered transaction costs; and, as facilitators of social networks, strengthening ties between various segments of society. There exists the

“…ability of people to connect, mobilize, organize, overcome their isolation, and share their experiences and idiosyncratic information… [and] yet, developing countries are characterized by high transactions and logistics costs, and by the isolation and disempowerment of large parts of the population” (Hanna 2003).

The availability of broadband and wireless connections, computer centers, and cell phones, then, is no guarantee that the isolated will have a voice, the poor will become rich, the marginalized will participate, and that the dispossessed may become productive. Access to technology does not promise that governments will permit greater Freedoms of Information and Expression, or that communication rights will be strengthened, or even that citizens will participate when given the opportunity to do so.

The rapid evolution and expansion of technologies has not caused a divide between rich and poor countries, but rather developed a frightening gap between technology and development. This phenomenon has furthered disconnects between rich and poor people and the communities in which they live because technologies are unaccompanied by factors that cannot be leapfrogged: namely, education and training, basic human and service infrastructure, and human interaction essential to development and security. 

It is not merely enough to fund ICTs in developing countries. Introducing an ever-expansive information and communication technology to societies that are still seeking the dawn of an industrial age, never mind grappling with the relevance of how ICTs can increase the volume of and speed by which they obtain their daily bread, is irresponsible; if not extremely dangerous to the very objectives ICT policy purports. For South Africa’s marginalized groups, improving access to accurate information and strengthening the ability to communicate specific needs to vital points of reference are essential and extremely context-specific. Like many developing countries, South Africa faces social and economic confusion. The country is both a land of wealth and resource, as well as one of poverty and resource deprivation. Thus, assuming ICTs will increase participation, development and security in such a country is as heart-breaking a mistake as believing that stapling a condom to an information sheet about HIV/AIDS helps protect the recipient in the fight against the spread of disease. The physical presence of a tool does not necessarily define its purpose, and purpose left without instruction will be used, effectively or not, according to perception or interpretation.

Technology cannot promise development or security. It remains merely one instrument, out of many, that may allow an individual or a community to grow or, just as easily, self-destruct. If technology’s purpose is to enhance the efficiency and effectiveness of basic services rendered to people and their individual production capacity, the information society should be one in which individuals (and therefore, communities) are not merely surviving but rather building upon a previously established foundation.

Through over sixty interviews conducted in the three poorest provinces in South Africa, namely Limpopo, KwaZulu-Natal and Eastern Cape, marginalized groups illustrate socio-economic realities that need to enter into discussions on development, no matter the angle. The depth of reflection lacking in the international debate over what exactly it will take to bridge the technological divide and the reticence to be informed about what people actually need is disconcerting, at best. We speak of ICTs and yet the art of communicating with other human beings, and listening to both the truth of their lives and their perception of development and security, is lost among those trumpeting the information age. ‘Quick fix’ promises are not new to the poorest of the poor. They have been promised clean water and sanitation in every village; employment and housing for all; and now, the ability for everyone to connect.  While elites around the globe discuss ways to close the ‘divide’, the desperate will carry on as they have for centuries: waiting for change, and in the meantime, surviving. They have no faith that connectivity and access will improve their lives; and, rather, believe that ICTs would best be used to reflect to the rest of the world information on the reality of their dire straits.

Meanwhile, South Africa must consider how the marginalized are altering the landscape of development and security. Zimbabweans cross into Limpopo, cutting through border fences to eke out a living on farms where they have little to no physical security or economic stability. Young men loiter on the streets of townships in KwaZulu-Natal, unemployed and drunk at mid-day, lying in wait to hijack a car or murder for a cell phone, so they can dull the pain of living without purpose in a cardboard and tin shack. Women and children in Eastern Cape with no access to clinical facilities, or the necessary medication, fight tuberculosis or pneumonia for the second or third time, afraid to be tested for HIV because perception trumps truth. After all, the messages they trust emanate from the powerful voices of traditional healers and a Minister of Health who appear to believe that if holy water cannot save life…garlic, olive oil and beetroots surely will (Nullis 2005).

Most South Africans, including the most marginalized, are neither information nor communication starved.  Most people in South Africa are hungry for jobs and better educational and training resources--so much so that digital funds and information society mean nothing to them.[1] The ability to have access to more information or faster modes of communication matters little when unemployment, disease and lack of basic services are a fundamental constraint on many communities. ICTs will not close the loopholes where investments in the education, labor and health sectors have gone awry.  ICTs cannot make up for insecurity, high crime rates, or the spread of disease; and, in fact, will contribute towards greater societal destruction if the lessons of their (in-)utility are ignored.

 

Analysis

ICTs can connect individuals, small companies or groups of farmers and artisans in the poorest and most isolated areas of the world and bring them to the attention of national and even global markets. It makes it possible to leapfrog poor transport infrastructures so that distance from markets is no longer a drawback. ICTs can also improve governance by giving a voice to people who have been isolated, or have been invisible and silent, allowing them to speak out regardless of their economic status, their gender or where they live.  - ITU Secretary-General Yoshio Utsumi, 2003

The research from South Africa analyses the relevance or effectiveness of ICTs among the poorest of the poor living in South African townships and rural areas. Through over sixty interviews across two months in the three poorest provinces in South Africa, the role and import of technologies to daily life is explored. The insight gained from these interviews illustrates the need for critical reflection before hybrid action can be established between old technologies, new technologies and pre-existing development initiatives. Certain questions, when analyzing the relevance or effectiveness of ICTs, should be posed: what are the most pressing needs and concerns of a particular individual or community? Are people striving to meet their needs without technology? What technologies do people depend on most and why? And lastly, what is the perception of ICTs?

ICT penetration and connectivity must be context-specific and oriented towards the most vulnerable communities within a country’s borders, but married as well to initiatives that encourage participation and knowledge-sharing from every community feeding out into a global society. South African society illustrates displacement across and within its borders, vulnerability to environmental hazards as well as disease, and often tenuous relationships to the local and national political system. As such, people pick and choose what technologies may be relevant to their existing, immediate needs. ICTs under such circumstances adapt to, rather than dictate, societal action and reaction; and, sometimes the imposition of inappropriate tools provides instruments of a greater, more divisive dissatisfaction, if not despair. South Africa therefore depicts the socio-economic dilemmas that the ICT-development vision must confront as a preponderance of its communities are burdened by the effects of poverty, conflict and health crises that render people desperate for reliable sources of information and trusted methods of communication dissemination.

In the northern province of Limpopo, in and around Musina, a predominantly agricultural based economy finds white farmers and black (mostly) Zimbabwean farm workers sharing a space with limited cellular coverage; vast distances to cover on un-tarred roads between farms and the nearest city; and little to no access to newspapers, never mind computers. The International Organization for Migration estimates that there are some 60,000 Zimbabweans in the Limpopo area (IOM 2004); it is the largest influx to be seen in years and believed to represent the human despair of those affected by the recent repression of rights, mass destruction of dwellings, unemployment, devaluation of the Zimbabwean dollar, lack of food, and scarcity of petrol within President Mugabe’s borders. As with most border frontiers, security is a pressing issue for those enforcing the law and those, with little recourse, seeking to defy it.

Farm workers have been crossing the border between Zimbabwe and South Africa for years, filling jobs alongside black South Africans, working in the citrus groves in Limpopo province. Zimbabwean workers represent an educated and skilled population threatened by political unrest. Despite this, frequently they are paid less than minimum wage and are subject to abuse; easy targets given their illegal status. Even those who fill more permanent positions on the farms and, therefore, hold work permits, can be subject to arrest and deportation when leaving the farm’s borders. For those unable to find work or feed their families at home, South Africa provides the economic space to do both. What is important to displaced Zimbabweans is the ability to secure their livelihoods and protect their families, even at the cost of personal security. 

Believing they are without rights encourages migrants to act without responsibility towards law or authority. Despite access to radios and televisions in South Africa, Zimbabwean farm workers trust most what they see with their own eyes, or hear from those newly arrived on the farm (Farms A & B 2005).  So, they acquire the information by using their feet. Due to the difficulties at the border, many of the workers do not cross the border through official channels. The double vulnerability faced by these migrants, then, is that they cannot report the violence to which they are subjected either to South African or to Zimbabwean military forces (Farms A & B 2005). Both men and women sneak through various holes in the border fence late at night and risk the uncertain passage through the bush and across the river to Beitbridge, the nearest border town.

“I receive news about Zimbabwe over the phone,” one woman states, “but to really see what is happening, I need to go home and take it in with my own eyes. It is always better to go and see for yourself, than to listen to the radio” (Farm B 2005).

Thugs and thieves patrolling the border areas have been known to rob, murder and rape those moving back and forth through the wire fence. Regardless of being trapped by guma-guma [2] stripped of clothes and possessions, as well as severely beaten (if not sexually assaulted), women continue to sacrifice their own security for the assurance that their families remain physically safe and economically stable. Many believe that there is no other alternative given the constraints on information flowing between Zimbabwe and the rest of the world.

 Farm workers are not dependent, by and large, on ICTs to gather information or communicate with their families. Many own or have access to cell phones. Those without cell phones themselves, borrow airtime from other workers, or use the public telephone; the latter consisting of a cell phone charged to a generator that is transported by wheelbarrow to an open wooden stand on the main road of the farm each day. Landlines, the Zimbabweans said, are far cheaper to use when calling Zimbabwe, but difficult to access (Farms A & B 2005).  The exorbitant cost of telecommunications in South Africa, exceeded still in neighboring Zimbabwe, does not permit farm workers to depend on phone service for more than basic knowledge of how family and country is surviving civil unrest. It is only through displacement and transportation routes that farm workers obtain the information most in demand.

Interaction with those living outside the farms is rather limited for Zimbabweans. There is a mobile clinic, organized by the Department of Health, which makes frequent visits to a number of the farms around Musina. The clinic offers primary health care and dispenses condoms to the workers. The nurses test for HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases, yet many workers complain that they are never given the results of these tests. Deficiencies in providing feedback leave the farm workers suspicious of medical personnel, and reinforce the belief that it is useless to know about diseases when there is no help available in South Africa to fight against them; and, there is fear that the information being collected may be putting them in danger of discovery by authorities (Farm B 2005). Paradoxically, South Africans are learning more about HIV and access to anti-retroviral (ARV) medications, from those crossing the border, than is officially available through their media or local government clinics. Given the demand for ARVs in an area where tremendous distances exist between hospitals that have the medication and clinics that do not, rumors abound that South Africans are seeking ARVs in Zimbabwe (Clinic A 2005).

Computers have no relevance for these farm workers. Some know there is an Internet café in Musina. Yet many claim that they have never seen a computer, as computers were never available as part of their education. They will listen to explanations of the Internet, or a system by which a person can send a message through cyberspace.  However, there appears to be a general consensus and disbelief that a computer could improve the current state of their lives. As one farm worker said,

“We do not spend time looking for something or worrying about something we cannot use. If the people we know and trust do not have emails, and the information we need is available elsewhere, why do we need a computer?”(Farm B 2005).

His opinion was voiced equally by a white farmer who communicates with his community by cell phone or CB radio, but has never used a computer.

“Why would I learn how to use a computer? Most of the people around here have never used a computer. I go into [town] a few times a week and see the computer in the post office. I have never, in my years of living here, seen someone using that computer. It is a waste to even have it, as it serves no purpose to the lives of people here” (Farm C 2005).

The sentiment of those living in rural areas in Limpopo is echoed by many living in the northernmost corner of Eastern Cape. In several villages cradled between Bizana town and the KwaZulu-Natal border, women are gathering water for washing and cooking from streams where herders bring their cattle to drink and defecate in. Unemployment is cited as hovering at 80%, (Mbizana 2005). Illiteracy is extremely high. Some villages have electricity, even though many cannot afford the cost of having the service in their homes. Food is scarce and proper nutrition is difficult as vegetables can be grown when there is water, but hard to find when there is none. The nearest hospital can be a bus ride away, if a person is able to pay the fare, while the nearest clinic can take hours to walk to, on rock-dirt roads that make travel precarious and time consuming.

It is not technology that district and municipal leaders will say they need; it is water (Esikelo A 2005). A water purification plant stands, ironically, atop the nearest hill overlooking one village. Yet the village collects rainwater in metal bins during the rainy season, or walks several kilometers in order to haul water for washing, drinking and feeding their gardens. The area is intensely dry in winter and community development is hindered by a scarcity of resources with which to invest in a bore-hole, as well as an inability to overcome municipal politics sufficient to receive clean water from an access point people can see, but are not permitted to use. The reality in these rural villages makes discussion on ICTs seem rather absurd. Connectivity and Internet access cannot assuage the dearth of water or the threat of HIV/AIDS. Talk to people and they will tell you that they are not denied rights to communicate, or to be informed, or to express themselves. Communication and interaction is at its most relevant for them at the local level, and that is where they believe they have a voice. What they are being denied is a fair chance to live.

Information flows freely between homes, through traditional healers and community educators (religious leaders, teachers, nurses, and wise elders). Young people form drama clubs or sing in village choirs to express themselves. Many villages do not have access to a newspaper, but they listen to the radio and acquire information through family members living in urban areas. Ask them what they need, and they will not mention ICTs. What they need is more accurate information about specific issues affecting their community and the practical means to then act upon this information (Esikelo-Embobeni 2005). Access to a better education with knowledgeable teachers and greater material resources in schools, many believe, would help combat the cycle of poverty and ignorance. The local nurses are weary of fighting the dangerous rumors circulated by people who believe ARV medications murder people, or that HIV and other opportunistic infections are the result of bewitchment, or that sleeping with virgin girls, even months old, will cure men suffering from the virus (Bizana A 2005). Old grandmothers sit, surrounded by the sick, and consumed with battling nutritional deficiencies and HIV. They spend their pensions on small children (oftentimes not even their own flesh and blood), abandoned by young misinformed parents who believe these children will die sooner rather than later (Esikelo B 2005).

There are a few places in these rural areas where computers can be seen occupying dark, dust-filled corners; seldom, if ever, turned on. Sometimes, these computers attract bandits who will steal them, making money from selling the hardware parts. Other times, they provide an element of despair. When the computer malfunctions, there is no way to fix it or pay the cost of transport to haul the computer to East London or into Durban for repairs.  Internet connections only exist in larger towns, but with intermittent and slow connection speeds. So while computers may serve to record data, people rarely depend on them. Even in the few places where a computer is present in a rural village, the majority of people living in these areas have never worked on one (Mbizana 2005). Access to a government website is not critical, as nothing they have, they will tell you, emanates from the ministerial offices of the national government. Bureaucratic promises continue to lag behind in providing these people what they truly need (Esikelo C 2005).

Government nurses working at clinics throughout the Mbizana municipality have never accessed the government web site and do not use the Internet for information about HIV/AIDS. They rely on the official information trickling down from the Department of Health, despite the frequent contradictions of that information with the reality being experienced in the rural villages. In fact, they struggle under the burden of misinformation being spread to communities about HIV and similar infections (Bizana A 2005). One government nurse estimates 40% of the population she serves is infected with HIV, though it is difficult to document this since, even when confronted, patients are fearful of subjecting themselves to tests or medication.

Several villages, in order to combat the spread of HIV/AIDS, have developed volunteer home-based health care initiatives, as those who are sick cannot access distant hospitals and clinics. In communities losing their middle generation to disease and urban migration, young people are organizing to travel from home to home charting sickness and disease and opening discussions about HIV/AIDS. The information these door-to-door health care volunteers gather is critical to local clinics and area hospitals that have no time or resources to record formal statistics. In Mbizana, while the Manager of Development Planning will hand out brochures regaling visitors with dreams of building cultural villages and adjoining accommodations to bring rich people to the area, her staff neither knows how to access documents on a computer nor where to go or whom to ask for statistics on employment, literacy, health or education (Bizana B 2005).  Thus, it is not ICTs, available at the government level, helping people survive in the rural areas; it is, rather, community development workers on foot who are providing accurate information to address the concerns of their populations.

The quasi-presence of ICTs in urban townships illustrates the deception that technologies ensure that people are better informed, have access to a plurality of sources, and can improve their lives and livelihoods. Even with access to Internet cafes, cell phone containers [3], radios and televisions in the townships, disease is rampant, crime is spiking and people are living in squatter settlements with no guarantee that the leaky tin roof and mud walls will survive another rainy season.

Local councilors in Umlazi, the second largest township in South Africa, face enormous challenges to both security and development. They believe ICTs are extremely important to their communities. Yet, it is clear that possessing ICTs has put individuals and communities in potential danger (Umlazi H 2005). Cell phones are seen as a symbol of prestige rather than security. Young girls will prostitute themselves to older men in order to have a constant cash flow to pay for phones and airtime (S. Regina 2005). Young men sit in groups on street corners, or in shebeens, [4] paying for their next beer or marijuana joint with money they make from the sale of a stolen cell phone, or computer part, or fax machine. Young children are manipulating free-standing public telephones to collect money, rendering them useless to those who deposit change to make a call and find they have lost their precious coins to a phone with no dial tone (Umlazi A 2005).

Among those who are employed and educated in the townships, there is a growing sense of disappointment. Many of them have fourteen years or more of education, and work long hours to provide for their families with no hope of advancement or further training in a specialized skill. One woman, who works at McCord hospital, in Durban, has access to a computer on a daily basis.

“Wherever there is work, there is a computer. There is a real need for people in business to have knowledge how to operate a computer” (Umlazi A).

 She first encountered a computer ten years ago when she began working as an administrative assistant. No one was able to train her how to use the computer, but she spent time teaching herself how to make it function for letter writing and invoice purposes. The computer represents a tool of employment, not a source of information. When discussing her voice in the community, she cites her immediate difficulties with trying to access the local council and the provincial minister regarding a housing issue.

“I went to the local government official after a reconstruction and development program [“RDP”] house had been assigned to me then retracted at the last minute. The house had been given to a friend of the local councilman. The officials would not listen to my complaint and sent me to appeal to the provincial minister. I sent the provincial minister a letter, as I knew he would not respond to an email. He responded by letter and directed me to his secretary, saying he was too busy dealing with more important issues than to have time for my nagging. Access, you see, is not a problem. It is corruption that must be dealt with first; otherwise, access will not mean anything. Technology is not the real issue. People would choose houses with running water and electricity before computers or cell phones. Living in shacks with leaky roofs, people catch colds too easily. Our people cannot get warm, they are getting sicker; this is making the situation worse for those living with HIV/AIDS. This is why housing is in such demand. Computers, cell phones and satellite dishes do not build homes and patch roofs” (Umlazi A 2005).

A young man with fifteen years of education, managing a cell phone container in Umlazi agrees with his female counterpart. He believes he has access to information, and certain rights, but that these mean nothing to people because they are waiting on promises made by elected officials.

“Our government is corrupt. This is the biggest problem in South Africa. We are still waiting for what we were promised. We were promised jobs in companies, earning a living. We were promised houses. We have none of these” (Umlazi B 2005).

He has access to the Internet, but rarely uses it. He collects his information through newspapers. Each morning he buys at least ten newspapers, storing them in a crate inside the container. On average, per day, he claims at least fifteen to twenty people come to him to ask about world news, or borrow the newspapers. He says he discusses the news with those who are illiterate to inform them about what is happening in the world. He says this dissemination of information reaches grandmothers, businessmen and women, and young people. People trust him, he confides, because he has visibility in the community and communicates with people about information pertinent to their lives.

“I think computers are useful because they exist all over the world. But computers will not solve the problem of HIV/AIDS, or corruption in government, or the problems of unemployment that are affecting our communities. You must have a certain level of development and security before technology will cure suffering” (Umlazi B 2005). 

Still another educated young woman, seeking to sustain her livelihood through her art, says ICTs are important to those seeking to expand their small businesses. Yet, she acknowledges the limitations of ICTs when discussing the more local community concerns surrounding HIV/AIDS.

“We are trying to educate people through music, or just by talking with them. When I know someone is sick in the community, I try and talk to them, instead of ignoring them as much of the community still does. The way computers are used here does nothing to help spread accurate information about HIV/AIDS to local people. We still have difficulties communicating directly with our communities about health and education” (Umlazi C 2005).

Parents allow old women to counsel girls on sex, and perform virginity testing even when there are clinics within walking distance. Traditional healers and shembe priests in Inanda claim HIV can be treated, blood can be purified and the dead resurrected through herbs, water and faith. In the guise of tradition, young girls, especially, are becoming increasingly susceptible to abuse, assault and the spread of disease because they are discouraged from accessing modern health facilities (Umlazi G and Inanda 2005).

 

Conclusion

The rationale behind funding ICTs in developing countries is one which links connectivity and access to development for all (UNGA 2002). As policy-makers struggle with progress towards greater global development and security, technology policy as it stands today holds little purpose for many of the marginalized. Technology needs a relevant social structure and context in which to operate to have purpose. Employment, housing, water, and HIV/AIDS are primary concerns among migrant farm workers and those living in informal settlements, urban townships, and rural areas. These issues are relevant to the discussion on ICTs, because if there is no understanding of how people are living, the technology will be an empty vessel, wasted.

The purpose of this paper—perhaps—is not to decry the complete irrelevance of ICTs or to preach to the choir about the expected hierarchy of development needs in Africa. Rather it is to underscore the importance of context (not even national, but local) as crucial to progress, and why the blanket schemes of theorists may unwittingly create bottlenecks in resource-scarce and high security-risk areas. In South Africa, there are initiatives, certainly, that offer promise. These are most often projects developed in response to a direct need, rather than technologies mapped on to vulnerable communities. ICTs accompanied by affordable education and training, long-term investment strategies, and hybrid approaches linking traditional, trusted methods of expressing and disseminating information are better suited to actual implementation and sustainability. As partnerships are formed between countries and within countries to share knowledge and to financially support ICT-led development initiatives, there is urgent need for greater understanding of peoples’ realities at the local level, as well as increased accountability for the successes and failures of strategic decisions mandated by international and national leadership.

 

Acknowledgements

The research and content of this paper were part of a more comprehensive report prepared by Amy R. West for ARTICLE 19: The Global Campaign for Free Expression for the November 2005 WSIS discussions. The author and ARTICLE 19 express sincere gratitude to a number of Zimbabwean migrants living in Limpopo, and residents of South Africa living in Limpopo, KwaZulu-Natal and Eastern Cape who face grim challenges with enormous courage and resourcefulness. The author would like to acknowledge the support and assistance of John Barker, Tracey Naughton, Audrey Selian, Innocent Myeni, Sarah Mahlungulu, Blair Rutherford, Edward Lahiff, Tina James, Monty Thomas, Sister Regina, Patrick Taylor, Steve Wigg, The Caversham Centre for Artists and Writers, and her family.

 

References

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Clinic A. (2005). Personal communications. Limpopo: RSA.

Esikelo area A, B, & C. (2005). Personal communications. Eastern Cape: RSA.

Esikelo-Embobeni area. (2005). Personal communications. Eastern Cape: RSA.

Hanna, N. K. (June 2003). Why national strategies are needed for ICT enabled development. ISG Staff Working Papers, 3, Retrieved March 2, 2007, from http://www.ehealthstrategies.com/files/national_strategies.doc

Inanda area. (2005). Personal Communications. KwaZulu-Natal: RSA.

IOM. (2004). Developing regional guidelines on HIV and AIDS for the commercial agricultural sector in the SADC Region.  Retrieved August 8, 2005, from http://www.iom.org.za/Reports/CommercialAgricultureSectorWorkshopReport_Dec2-3_2004.pdf

Mbizana municipality. (2005). Personal communications. Eastern Cape: RSA.

Musina-Alldays Farms A, B, & C. (2005). Personal communications. Limpopo: RSA.

Nullis, C. (N.D.). South African health minister insists garlic, beet root as important as drugs in treating AIDS. Retrieved August 10, 2005, from http://www.taxtyranny.ca/images/HTML/Aids/Aids104.html

Regina, S. (2005). Personal Communication. KwaZulu-Natal: RSA.

Umlazi townships A, B, C, G, H, & I. (2005). Personal Communications. KwaZulu-Natal: RSA.

United Nations General Assembly Resolution 56/183 (2002). World summit on the information society.

Utsumi, Yoshio. (December 2003). ITU secretary-general’s speech for the world summit on information society. World Summit for the Information Society Plenary Session. Geneva: Switzerland.

 



[1] In 95% of the interviews conducted in both rural and urban areas, in each of the three provinces, much time had to be devoted to explaining what was meant by ‘digital divide’, ‘information society’, as well as the use and function of the Internet and email. In fact, upon further probing, many people are unaware of international organizations such as the United Nations and its role in development or security.

[2] The thugs and thieves roaming the Zimbabwean side of the Zimbabwe-South African border.

[3] Large metal shipping containers are recycled for use and sold by companies within South Africa to people investing in a business. Oftentimes, Cell C, Vodacom or MTN will invest in containers in the townships, supply it with five to six phones and a local manager to collect money and operate the phones, providing a public service to people who use up their airtime or do not have access to their own personal phone.

[4] Local pub or tavern